Well,
we have three very different responses! Jennie says there is still
mileage in the classical when deployed by artists as satire and
critique. Francisco delineates the nightmare vision of a tawdry, vacuous
politics of personality, which has affinities with authoritarian and
classical pasts. Martha says that, despite appearances, the art world
holds to classical Kantian ideals and a denial of art’s symbolic
functions.
Maybe
historian/sociologist Perry Anderson’s views on the life of classicism
in the modern period may help our discussion along: he says that
modernism took place in societies that still had a powerful aristocracy,
in which the peasantry was still a major force, and in which elites
held to classical ideals as integral parts of their culture. In those
circumstances, modernism and classicism productively worked against each
other in a struggle for dominance, creating both extreme avant-garde
reactions, and complex conservative associations of the two as in Proust
and Eliot. Now, of course, Anderson would say that in most societies
those forces are mere ghosts. The classical may be invoked as one style
among many but it is more likely to serve as mere pastiche than to have
any critical bite. In this way, I guess you might read Mapplethorpe’s
work less as a satire on the classical than a saleable invocation of it.
Modernist alienation and discomfort, when rolled out in a scene in
which modernism is quite as dated and powerless as classicism, are no
solution either, as Martha suggests.
Not
being able to go back, what do we go forward to? In the U.K., we’ve
just had big student demonstrations against government plans to make
radical cuts to the universities. Even at my small and conservative
institution, we have students talking about Marx and 1968. I suppose in
my first post, I was wondering about whether the current situation would
force into being an alternative to the postmodern smorgasbord that we
are supposed to be content with. Whether or not the system is broken
depends on where you are looking from: in Mexico, to take one example,
it surely would seem to have been broken for quite some time. It’s true
of many places in the U.S., too. When do the localized crises add up to
something systemic?
I’ve
suggested in some of my writing and other work that one pressure point
to lean on is the principle of art’s uselessness. (I didn’t mean to
dismiss the Yes Men, by the way, only to say that their work seemed
artistic—and hence traditionally “useless”—because of the apparent
futility of opposition, though that may be changing now.) Martha writes
that art’s neo-Kantianism is a problem, Jennie sees art serving as
satire, while Francisco values Galindo’s remove from political purposes.
But do any of you see the emergence of new sorts of artistic response
to war and financial disturbance, and what role do memories of the
classical and the avant-garde have to play in them?
PANELIST
Francisco Goldman
When
thinking of Regina Galindo—about what she might mean when she says that
she rejects political “purpose”—I would distinguish between her art’s
being political and having a “purpose.” Her performance What can erase the traces?
(2003) is certainly political art. A slight young woman in a black
dress walks barefoot through the streets of downtown Guatemala City
carrying a white basin filled with human blood; every few yards she sets
the basin down, stepping into it and out, leaving a trail of bloody
footprints from the Constitutional Court to the National
Palace.
Ninety-nine percent of the people who saw Galindo pass
by had probably never heard the phrase “performance art,” but I doubt
many didn’t immediately grasp the piece’s symbolism: the ghostly
footprints of hundreds of thousands of civilians murdered,
overwhelmingly by the Army, during Guatemala’s recent years of war.
Sure, it was act of memory and defiance in the face of an official
culture of enforced forgetting and impunity. But what was the piece’s purpose?
She looked so lonely and fragile. She evoked futility, solitude, even
fear more than protest. One felt terribly frightened for her; but also
of her, a little. She might have been a mad widow. There was something
disturbing, haunting, and even mythological about Galindo’s performance,
something like a Kafka parable. The people who witnessed it were
probably affected in many private ways. I can’t say what the piece’s
actual purpose was, and I think had she had declared one, it would have
diminished its power.
The
“localized crises” of Guatemala, Mexico, and the U.S. are certainly
part of the same “systemic” catastrophe. Guatemala is practically a
narco state; Mexico very nearly is. U.S. drug consumption and arms fuel
the crisis, which is also a consequence of its
political-economic-military history in the region. Poverty breeds waves
of mostly peasant migrants and fills the ranks of narco assassins.
Both Mexico and Guatemala have greedy upper classes without any sense of
civil responsibility, but so, apparently, does the U.S. Anything that
might be considered a “classical” symbol of any of these three nations
now only evokes kitsch and hypocrisy.
Here
in Mexico, we are seeing some interesting artistic responses to the
situation. I am not sure any of them reflect an aesthetic way forward
that is also a practical political one; I am not sure there is a way
forward that anyone might be able to define. But there are basic
obvious principles and values that need to be defended.
The most potent new work of political art I’ve seen is a collaboration
between Mexican journalists and artists, 72 Migrantes, conceived by
writer-journalist Alma Guillermoprieto. It’s a “virtual altar”—there’s a
combination of modern technology and classical Mexican folk art for
you—memorializing the seventy-two U.S.-bound migrants massacred by the
Zeta drug cartel in Taumalipas earlier this year, an epoch-defining
crime that was ready to disappear from official and public consciousness
as soon as the story moved off the front pages. Each participating
writer contributed a text in the name of one of the dead. Some did
journalistic legwork to write in a personal way about the victim; others
contributed more poetic or thoughtful general texts. Photographers and
musicians were enlisted as well. Alma insisted that none of the
contributions could have a specific political agenda—against President
Felipe Calderón, for example—and that is undoubtedly one source of the
site’s power: it has a purity of intent and execution that recalls our
oldest ideas of classical beauty, while also being a highly contemporary
response to the baffling and ghastly inhumanity of our times.
PANELIST
Jennie Hirsh
Julian,
I’m not sure if identifying “new sorts of artistic response” will
explain the philosophical concerns that underpin your query. Although
war and financial disturbance loom large in our imagination, we mustn’t
forget that today’s crises are hardly unprecedented. The question, for
me, lies in how art traces these interconnected and deeply felt crises.
While art may be judged ineffective in terms of its potential for
immediately breaking through these issues, it manages to do something
else. Whether tacitly or explicitly, art offers a site of reflection; it
witnesses, registers, and responds to political, socioeconomic, and
cultural turbulence, providing a space for the expression of
contemplation and frustration, resistance and redress.
My point is this: if impotent as activism, art still has something to offer even if its value becomes clear only retrospectively.
Garnering a clear sense of the efficacy of art as it unfolds may be
more difficult than ever in an age fixated on immediacy and endless
forms of distraction. To use a classical analogy, if we cannot face
upheavals and unbearable truths head on, art can serve as Perseus’s
shield vis-à-vis Medusa, refracting petrifying glimpses of the real. Art
is a language and can offer symbolic fodder for future thought. And so
we must remain vigilant, patiently attuned to artistic practices that
record both impressions and effects of cataclysmic events and conditions.
The
paramount challenge today for cultural critics or intellectuals is to
create inclusive frameworks to bridge the gaps not only between art and
the public but also between art and life. As observers and participants,
we need first to register and then to analyze what we perceive as we
make sense of the local versus the systemic. I don’t believe that art is
failing, or that we don’t have venues in which to experience it;
rather, we are plagued by our own distraction, the very behavior that
was already preoccupying Walter Benjamin in “The Work of Art in the Age
of Mechanical Reproduction” in 1936: the year of the Berlin Olympics
featured in Leni Riefenstahl’s Olympia.
Lest
I seem naïve, we should remember that Group Material, ACT UP, David
Wojnarowicz, and, more recently, Zoe Leonard enacted calls to arms for
the AIDS crisis in what remain deeply moving ways beginning in the
1980s. And artists such as VALIE EXPORT, Dara Birnbaum, Adrian Piper,
and you, Martha, have made great strides in the name of feminism since
the 1960s. And yet while struggles rooted in race, class, and gender
persist—not just physical wars—artists continue to generate other lenses
to bring these conflicts into focus. Art continues to provoke
conversation as lethal tensions erupt across the globe.
If we are patient enough to look and to listen, we can appreciate how
Alfredo Jaar has redirected our gaze to Rwanda and Nigeria. Resistance
Art in South Africa under apartheid, the dissident movements in Eastern
Europe, and Lebanese artists responding to the Lebanese Civil War make
clear that artistic resistance is alive and well if we look beyond the
West. And as playwright David Hare reminds us in Stuff Happens
(2004), theater and performance remain vital media for questioning the
war in Iraq. Our appreciation of these sorts of interventions, however,
demands slowing down long enough to take Benjamin’s prescribed medicine:
apperception.
PANELIST
Martha Rosler
Julian, as you seemed to suggest in a recent article on photography in the September/October issue of New Left Review,
changing times can move artists—successful ones, at least—away from any
hint of a politicized reading of their work; one may suspect here the
need to segregate politics from aesthetics in order to preserve both
marketability and reputation. (Here’s the place to invoke Pierre
Bourdieu on the “professionalization” of the art cadre.) Your remarks
about potential ambiguity in Mapplethorpe’s interpretation of classicism
points to this as well, though I would add a possible reading of his
work—teetering between classicism and kitsch—not as satire but as camp
(or is that merely a particular brand of satire?) . . . itself a
self-dramatizing form of critique in drag.
Borrowing
a tiny piece of your remark on Anderson, classicism, and elites: first,
since the United States has neither aristocracy nor peasantry (our land
claims stem not from anything autochthonous but rather from conquest),
our modernism can perhaps be seen as a nervous reaction to European
modernism. (See Andreas Huyssen, in such works as After the Great Divide [1986].) We should also recall the false mantle of an assumed, British-accent-inflected “aristocracism” of the National Review’s brand of right-wing ideology, particularly under its founder William Buckley, and carried on by the soi-disant New Criterion,
which in both cases led to a rigid defense of aesthetic formalism. Now
we find it defended under the seemingly opposed rubric of biopower and
post-Fordist immaterial labor, in the announcement of an upcoming twentieth-anniversary symposium for the journal Texte zur Kunst:
"This
symposium investigates art criticism's potential to become social
critique. . . . In 1990, returning to the methods of social art history
promised to link current artistic production to larger economic and
ideological frameworks. Even if this approach has remained an important
touchstone, . . . new models have emerged: discussions around
biopolitics and immaterial labor . . . have radically questioned
long-held methodological assumptions about the visual arts' potentially
antagonistic role in the capitalist societies of the West. . . . The
notion of the aesthetic, which had for many years been utterly dismissed
due to its association with idealist concepts of autonomy, has returned
in unforeseen ways—by way of a recourse, for instance, to an emphatic
and ethically motivated defense of aesthetic experience and an immersive
attention to formal detail."
Here
we see the recent return to some variety of Adorno-derived artistic
autonomy, in one of the least autonomous moments of art production in
the developed world, attempted not by artists but by a vanguardist
critical establishment (an oxymoron, perhaps), attempting to reassert
its dominance over art’s claims to criticality.
To
dwell a bit on the question of capitalism in crisis, invoking Mexico
is, in my opinion, to point to the travails of the periphery in a
globalizing era, where wealth is consolidated in the hands of a very
small class in control of internationalized capital and where
traditional, particularly agrarian, modes of production are subsumed—as
sociologist and philosopher Henri Lefebvre pointed out long ago, in, for
example, The Urban Revolution
(1970)—under the regime of the highly urbanized advanced industrial
economies. (I venture to suggest that the Mexican art that the
internationalized art world generally gets to see is, in consequence,
refracted through the lens of the circulation of capital in that
system.)
I
am lousy at prognostication, only slightly better at diagnosis, so I
will not try to guess what the current crisis might bring, though the
students in Great Britain have my highest sympathies; we once again see
the U.S. and the U.K., as in the 1980s, marching in tandem, furthering
the neoliberalization of education and its conversion into a factory for
production of workers skilled in instrumentalized knowledge, now drawn
all the more from among the ranks of the international elite.
Comments
...
Livia Tedesco wrote :
I’m very impressed by the variety of discussion you all have so far generated. And in fact this variety leads me to my point or question. I feel almost as if each of the panelists is speaking a different language, their perspectives are so different. And to me, this variety suggests one of the difficulties both in organizing the Left (or organizing any political movement, probably) and in looking at the relationship between art and politics. It’s endlessly fascinating and can be dissected from multiple viewpoints, but where does the intellection lead? Is there a path that doesn’t seem either Panglossian or on the other hand to do away with art that has formalist motivations?